Luke的自留地 “going to live my life...”

when the first people populated the American subcontinents 发布于: Tue Aug 16 2016 18:20:16 GMT+0800

As to when the first people populated the American subcontinents is hotly debated. Until recently, the Clovis people, based on evidence found in New Mexico, were thought to have been the first to have arrived, some 13,000 years ago. Yet evidence gathered from other sites suggest the Americas had been settled at least 1,000 years prior to the Clovis. The “Clovis first” idea, nonetheless, was treated as gospel, backed by supporters who, at least initially, outright discounted any claims that suggested precedence by non-Clovis people. While such a stance smacked of fanaticism, proponents did have a solid claim: if the Clovis peoples crossed the Bering Strait 13,000 years ago, only after it had become ice-free, how would a people have been able to make a similar trip but over ice?

涉及到什么时候第一批人类在美洲次大陆繁衍的问题讨论火热。最近,Clovis人,基于在新墨西哥发现证据,被推测是第一批到达的人,这些人在13000年前到达。然而从其他据点收集到的证据显示美洲在比Clovis人早1000年就有人定居。然而,这个“Clovis第一“的观点”,被视为经典,被一些这样的支持者们:至少基本上,完全不考虑任何暗示有非discounted人提前存在的观点。尽管这样的观点有盲信的味道,支持者们确实有一个确凿的声明:如果Clovis民族在13000年前穿越了白令海峡,在这之后紧接着就是不冻期,一个民族怎么能够进行一个类似的旅程,但是是在冰上的?

  • outright adv.完全地;彻底地;坦率地,不客气地;即刻,马上
  • smack vt.拍,打,掴
  • fanaticism n.狂热,盲信,着迷
  • A smack(s) of B A带有B的味道(A因为B而被打脸)

A recent school of thought, backed by Weber, provides the following answer: pre-Clovis people reached the Americas by relying on a sophisticated maritime culture, which allowed them to take advantage of refugia, or small areas in which aquatic life flourished. Thus they were able to make the long journey by hugging the coast as far south as to what is today British Columbia. Additionally, they were believed to have fashioned a primitive form of crampon so that they would be able to dock in these refugia and avail themselves of the microfauna. Still, such a theory begs the question as to how such a culture developed.

一个最近的观点的学派,被Weber支持的,提供了下列答案:前Clovis人到达美洲通过依靠一个精通的海洋文化,这种文化允许他们充分利用refugia,一个水生生物茂盛的小区域。因此他们能够做一个很长的旅行通过拥抱海岸线一直到今天的英属哥伦比亚岛那里那么南端。并且,他们被认为已经流行起了一个原始的鞋底钉,这样的话他们就能够进入这样的refugia然后利用这些微生动物群。仍然,这样的学说回避了一个问题:这样的文化是如何形成的。

  • crampon n.鞋底钉,铁钩,攀登用鞋底钉
  • dock n.码头;被告席;草本植物;尾巴的骨肉部份

The Solutrean theory has been influential in answering this question, a fact that may seem paradoxical—and startling—to those familiar with its line of reasoning: the Clovis people were actually Solutreans, an ancient seafaring culture along the Iberian peninsula, who had—astoundingly given the time period—crossed into the Americas via the Atlantic ocean. Could not a similar Siberian culture, if not the pre-Clovis people themselves, have displayed equal nautical sophistication?

Solutrean学说在回答这个问题上至关重要,一个事实似乎是矛盾的——和惊人的——对于那些熟悉他的推理过程的人来说:Clovis人事实上是Solutrean人,一个古老的航海文化在Iberian半岛,这些人惊人地给出了时间周期——通过大西洋穿越进入美洲。能有一个相似的Siberian文化,如果不是前Clovis民族他们自己,展现一样的航海复杂吗?

  • seafaring adj.航海的,水上的

Even if one subscribes to this line of reasoning, the “Clovis first” school still have an objection: proponents of a pre-Clovis people rely solely on the Monte Verde site in Chile, a site so far south that its location begs yet another question: What of the 6,000 miles of coastline between the ice corridor and Monte Verde? Besides remains found in a network of caves in Oregon, there has been scant evidence of a pre-Clovis people. Nonetheless, Meade and Pizinsky claim that a propitious geologic accident could account for this discrepancy: Monte Verde was located near a peat bog that essentially fossilized the village. Archaeologists uncovered two wooden stakes, which, at one time, were used in twelve huts. Furthermore, plant species associated with areas 150 miles away were found, suggesting a trade network. These findings indicate that the Clovis may not have been the first to people the Americas, yet more excavation, both in Monte Verde and along the coast, must be conducted in order to determine the extent of pre-Clovis settlements in the Americas.

即使一个人支持这种推理过程,Clovis第一的学派仍然有反对意见:前Clovis民族的支持者仅仅依靠在Chile的Monte Verde站点,这样一个站点在如此的南端以至于他的地理位置隐藏了另一个问题:在冰道和Monte Verde之间的6000英里海岸线是什么情况?除了在Oregon的一个洞穴网络中发现的残余物,关于前Clovis民族的证据一片空白。然而,M和P声称一个合适的地理事件可以解释这个矛盾:Monte Verde在一个peat bog附近,这些peat bog基础地结成了村落。考古学家发现了两个木桩,这两个木桩在同一时期被用于在十二个小屋中。更多地是,在150英里以外的于这个地区相关联的植物种类被发现,意味着一个贸易网络。这些发现证明Clovis可能不是美洲的第一批居民,然而更多的研究,同时在Monte Verde和沿岸地区,必须被执行,来确定前Clovis居民在美洲的存在。

  • what of … 释义…的情况怎样,…有什么重要性
  • propitious adj.有利的;吉祥的;吉利的;合适的
  • stake n.桩;刑柱;股份;(在公司、计划等中的)重大利益

Mesothermy 发布于: Tue Aug 02 2016 18:43:09 GMT+0800

For much of the 20th century, paleontologists theorized that dinosaurs, like reptiles, were ectothermic, their body temperature regulated externally. These scientists, however, based their conclusions on faulty reasoning, claiming that scaly skin was common to all ectotherms (birds, which are ectothermic, do not have scaly skin) and that the dinosaur’s size could account for ectothermy (some adult dinosaurs weighed as little as ten pounds). Supplanting this theory is an entirely new line of thought: dinosaurs were actually mesothermic, neither warm- nor cold-blooded. By taking this middle ground, some paleontologists maintain that dinosaurs were faster than a similar-sized reptile yet did not require as much food as a similar-sized mammal. To substantiate this theory, paleontologists intend to study how birds, the dinosaur’s closest extant relative, might have at one time been mesothermic.

在二十世纪的大部分时间里,古生物学者都认为像爬行动物的恐龙是变温动物,他们的体温受外界控制。然而,这些科学家的结论基于错误的推理过程,他们声称所有变温动物都有鳞状皮肤(同为变温动物的鸟类则没有鳞状皮肤),他们还声称恐龙的大小能够解释变温现象(一些成年恐龙的大小仅仅有十磅重)。取代这种观点是一整个系列的全新想法:恐龙事实上是中温动物,即不是暖血也不是热血的。通过维持这种中间状态,很多古生物学家认为恐龙比类似大小的爬行动物速度更快,但不需要一个类似体积的哺乳动物所需的那么多食物。为了巩固这个学说,古生物学家打算研究鸟类这个恐龙现存的最亲近的邻居有多大程度上可能曾经是中温动物。

=======
paleontologists n.古生物学者
reptile n.爬行动物;卑鄙的人
ectothermic adj.释义[医]变温的
regulate vt.调节,调整;校准;控制,管理
scaly adj.(动物)多鳞的;(皮肤)干燥粗糙的;鳞片状 / scale 鳞片
mesothermic adj.中温的

Tulip mania 发布于: Sun Aug 14 2016 10:16:49 GMT+0800

At the peak of tulip mania in Holland, in March 1637, some single tulip bulbs sold for more than 10 times the annual income of a skilled craftsman. It is generally considered the first recorded speculative bubble. The term “tulip mania” is now often used metaphorically to refer to any large economic bubble (when asset prices deviate from intrinsic values).

在1637年的3月的荷兰的”Tulip mania”(郁金香狂热)的顶峰,一些单个的郁金香块茎销售额比一个技术好的手艺人的年收入的10倍还要多。基本上认为是第一次记录的可推测的经济泡沫。TM这个名词现在经常被比喻性地用来形容一些大的经济泡沫(当物品价格偏离内部价值时)。

The event was popularized in 1841 by British journalist Charles Mackay. According to Mackay, at one point 12 acres of land were offered for a Semper Augustus bulb. Mackay claims that many such investors were ruined by the fall in prices, and Dutch commerce suffered a severe shock. Some modern scholars, however, feel that the mania was not quite as extraordinary as Mackay described. Some even argue that not enough price data remain, historically, to represent an all out tulip bulb bubble.

这个事件在1841年的英国杂志Charles Mackay时分流行。Charles Mackay认为,土地的1.12公亩都被用来种植Semper Augustus的块茎了。M认为许多这样的投资者都被价格的下跌毁灭,而且荷兰商业经受了一个严重的波动。然而,一些现代学者认为这种狂热没有M杂志描述的那么不一般。一些人甚至认为没有足够的历史保留的数据来表示整个郁金香块茎的泡沫。

In her 2007 scholarly analysis Tulipmania, Anne Goldgar states that the phenomenon was limited to “a fairly small group”, and that most accounts from the period are based on a few contemporary pieces of propaganda. While Mackay’s account held that a wide array of society was involved in the tulip trade, Goldgar’s study of archived contracts found that even at its peak the trade in tulips was conducted almost exclusively by merchants and skilled craftsmen who were wealthy, but not members of the nobility. Thus, any economic fallout from the bubble was very limited. Goldgar, who identified many prominent buyers and sellers in the market, found fewer than half a dozen who experienced financial troubles in the time period, and even of these cases it is not clear that tulips were to blame. This is not altogether surprising. Although prices had risen, money had not exchanged hands between buyers and sellers. Thus profits were never realized for sellers; unless sellers had made other purchases on credit in expectation of the profits, the collapse in prices did not cause anyone to lose money.

AG在她2007年的关于Tulipmania的学术分析中强调这种显现只是被限制在“一个相当小的群体”中,而且大部分来自那个时期的报告都基于几个当时的宣传的价格。尽管M的解释认为一个广泛的社会群体呗卷进了郁金香贸易中,G对于存档的贸易合同的研究发现即使是在郁金香的贸易的顶峰,贸易也只是在大部分的的商人和精通的手艺人之间进行,这些手艺人十分富有,但不是贵族群体。因此,一些来自于泡沫的经济下跌是非常有限的。G,他研究了许多有名的在市场的买家和卖家,发现不到半打的人在这段时期经历了经济困难,而且即使在这些案例中是不是郁金香的问题也不清楚。这根本不足以惊奇。尽管价格已经上涨了,金钱还没有在买家和卖家手中进行交换。因此利益从来没有被卖家意识到;除非卖家为了期待这些利益,通过信用进行了其他购买途径,这个价格灾难不会对任何人造成财产损失。

There is no dispute that prices for tulip bulb contracts rose and then fell in 1636–37, but even a dramatic rise and fall in prices does not necessarily mean that an economic or speculative bubble developed and then burst. For tulip mania to have qualified as an economic bubble, the price of tulip bulbs would need to have become unhinged from the intrinsic value of the bulbs. Modern economists have advanced several possible reasons for why the rise and fall in prices may not have constituted a bubble. For one, the increases of the 1630s corresponded with a lull in the Thirty Years’ War, which occurred between 1618 and 1648. Hence market prices were responding rationally to a rise in demand. However, the fall in prices was faster and more dramatic than the rise, and did not result from a sudden resurgence in the war.

郁金香合同的价格在1636-37年间急剧上升然后下降这个事实是没有争议的,但是及时事最剧烈的价格的上升和下降并不一定意味着一个经济的或者推断的泡沫发展然后爆发。对于已经被定性为经济泡沫的郁金香狂热来说,郁金香块茎的价格本应该需要是跟块茎的内部价值相错乱的。现代经济学家已经提出了几种可能的原因来解释为什么价格的上升下降没有形成一个泡沫。一方面,17世纪30年代的价格增长一个三十年的战争的停滞有关,这场战争是在1618-1648年间发生的。因此市场价格和一个理性的需求上升有关。然而,价格的下跌相比需求增长来说十分快速和剧烈,而且并不是来自于战争的忽然复苏。

  • unhinged adj.精神错乱的
  • resurgence n.复苏,复活;中断之后的继续;再起;回潮

Dickens is so brilliant 伟大的狄更斯 发布于: Wed Aug 10 2016 23:47:30 GMT+0800

Dickens is so brilliant a stylist, his vision of the world so idiosyncratic and yet so telling, that one might say that his subject is his unique rendering of his subject, in an echo of Rothko’s statement, “The subject of the painting is the painting”—except of course, Dickens’s great subject was nothing so subjective or so exclusionary, but as much of the world as he could render. If Dickens’s prose fiction has “defects”—excesses of melodrama, sentimentality, contrived plots, and manufactured happy endings—these are the defects of his era, which for all his greatness Dickens had not the rebellious spirit to resist; he was at heart a crowd-pleaser, a theatrical entertainer, with no interest in subverting the conventions of the novel as his great successors D.H. Lawrence, James Joyce, and Virginia Woolf would have; nor did he contemplate the subtle and ironic counterminings of human relations in the way of George Eliot and Thomas Hardy, who brought to the English novel an element of nuanced psychological realism not previously explored. Yet among English writers Dickens is, as he once called himself, part-jesting and part-serious, “the inimitable.”

狄更斯是一个十分伟大的文体家,他对世界的理解十分破除传统印象,并且十分生动,以至于一个人可能会说他的主题就是对他的主题的独特渲染,在一个Rothko的陈述的回应中。“绘画的主题是绘画”——当然,除了,狄更斯的伟大主题并不是这么主观和排斥,却很大程度上是对他能描绘的世界。如果说狄更斯的散文小说有什么“缺点”——过度的情节剧,多愁善感,复杂情节,以及人造的欢乐结局——这些他的时代的缺陷,在这样的时代对于他的所有伟大才能,狄更斯没有足够的反叛精神去承受;他内心是一个取悦观众的人,一个戏剧逗乐者,并没有兴趣来颠覆小说传统,像他的伟大的继任者D.H. Lawrence, James Joyce, and Virginia Woolf那样。他也不凝视细小和讽刺性的对于用George Eliot和Thomas Hardy的人类关系将计就计,这两个人将一种细微的之前没有探索过的心理真实感带入英语小说。然而在众多的英语作家中,狄更斯是,像他曾经称呼自己的一样,一半戏谑一半严肃的作家,是“不可效仿的”。

To describe a style 发布于: Fri Aug 12 2016 19:52:40 GMT+0800

To describe a style as Faulknerian or Beckettian or Nabokovian conjures up a host of literary moods, dispositions, and temperaments that coalesce to form an imprint as distinctive as a genetic code. This imprint, a trace-code of the authorial DNA, is our primary way of distinguishing the focused person who writes from that “bundle of accidents and incoherence that sits down at breakfast,” as Yeats somewhat comically described the writer of prose.

将一个风格描述成F或者B或者N式召唤出一堆文学思想,性格,和气质,这些思想性格气质结合起来形成了一个和基因编码一样独特的印象。这种印象,

Yet however expert we become in deciphering the authorial code, we can never know the person who writes directly through her writing. This is an odder claim than it may initially appear, when you consider that the writer may divulge the most intimate secrets of her inner life through the very things she chooses to write about and by the way she writes about them. I want to make an even odder claim and insist that the person who writes never appears to us except as a figment of our imagination.

So this is what I am conveying in the case of Virginia Woolf, when I say I am “imagining” Virginia Woolf. I do not mean by this that I am making her up or attributing qualities to her that she may not indeed possess. Quite the opposite. It is Woolf who makes things up, who makes herself up—that is what it means, at a very fundamental level, to have an imagination and to use it in your writing. What I fabricate is an image of her that has slowly formed in my mind—a figment I call it—from the impressions, some more concrete than others, that I collect as I am reading her. This figment of the author may coexist with, but should never be mistaken for, the “figure of the author.” I suspect it matters little to most readers whether the author as a literary figure is dead or alive or temporarily missing in action. On the other hand, the figment, being a subjective creation and not a rhetorical or literary personification, has a different reality and possesses a different importance in the mind of the reader. The figment of the author that attends us in our reading tends to be evanescent, but is never insubstantial in its impact upon us.

It was Woolf who alerted me to the inevitability of these figments, of their power to shadow and ultimately affect our intellectual and emotional relation to what we are reading. The first concrete piece of advice she gives the reader in “How Should One Read a Book?” is to try to become the author, but then, in a reversal that becomes more and more typical of her as she becomes confident in her own opinions that she can afford to qualify and, when necessary, disregard, she admits her inability to follow her own advice.

Hello World 发布于: Sat Jul 30 2016 15:34:34 GMT+0800

Welcome to Hexo! This is your very first post. Check documentation for more info. If you get any problems when using Hexo, you can find the answer in troubleshooting or you can ask me on GitHub.

Quick Start

Create a new post

1
$ hexo new "My New Post"

More info: Writing

Run server

1
$ hexo server

More info: Server

Generate static files

1
$ hexo generate

More info: Generating

Deploy to remote sites

1
$ hexo deploy

More info: Deployment

学术界对于Olmec文明消失原因的争论 发布于: Mon Aug 01 2016 14:58:13 GMT+0800

Most scholarship into the sudden disappearance of the Olmec civilization 2,500 years ago has focused on the change in meteorological conditions favorable to subsistence crops. Much of this research, though, has overlooked the role that changing geography, most notably the course of rivers, played. The Coatzacoalcos River, the main river passing through La Venta, could have had notable tributaries diverted as a result of climate change, leading to not only severe flooding in certain areas, but also to a lack of sufficient water for subsistence crops planted near the erstwhile alluvial plain. Such a view, however, fails to account for the resilience of a people capable of transferring crops and moving settlements as need be. What was more likely responsible for the downfall of the Olmec civilization was internal dissent brought on by ecological change, since a leadership unable to control events was likely to be perceived as weak. Without the central governance needed to adapt crop subsistence patterns, the Olmec likely became a collection of feuding clans and thus within a few generations all but disappeared.

大部分对于Olmec文明在2500年前消失的学术研究集中于对于口粮植物的有利的气象条件的变化。尽管,这个研究的大部分都忽略了不断变化的地理条件发挥的作用,最明显的就是河道的变化。Coatzacoalcos河,穿过La Venta的主流,本能够令显著的支流被转移,作为气候变化的结果,导致了不仅在某些地区十分严重的洪灾,也导致了种植在前冲积平原的口粮植物的充足水源的缺乏。然而,这样一种观点并没有解释一个民族在需要的情况下能够有能力转移粮食作物以及改变居住地的快速恢复的能力。更有可能导致Olmec文明垮台的原因是由生态变化带来的内部意见的不一致,因为一个不能够控制大事发生的首领可能会被认为是没有能耐的。没有了被需要来适应粮食生存模式的中央政府,Olmec人很可能变成一堆长期结怨的宗族,因此没过几代便几乎都消失了。

=======

Which of the following is an assumption the author of the passage makes?
  1. The crops displaced by the flooding of the Coatzacoalcos River would not be viable if replanted in areas unaffected by flooding.
  2. Adapting to crop subsistence involves some level of central governance.
  3. Feuding clans are not capable of sustaining a viable population in the wake of ecological catastrophe.
下面哪些是作者对于文段作出的假设?
  1. 如果被Coatzacoalcos河的洪水取代的粮食作物被种植到没有被洪水影响的地方,这些植物是不能够生长的。
  2. 适应粮食作物生存需要一些级别的中央集权。
  3. 一些世仇的宗族在生态灾难的条件下不能够维持一个可持续的人口。
Which of the following, if true, would best undermine the theory the author of the passage provides for the sudden disappearance of the Olmec?
  • Much of the flooding that resulted came not from any diverted tributaries but by rainfall that intensified over the course of a decade.
  • Not all the major subsistence crops were planted along the Coatzacoalcos River.
  • Internal dissent was long offered as a theory for the disappearance of the Mayans, but in recent years there is near unanimous agreement that the disappearance was mostly caused by meteorological phenomenon.
  • The Olmec split into two groups that warred persistently for several decades before both succumbed to meteorological changes that made settlement of the area virtually impossible.
  • The Olmec leadership successfully relocated settlements near one of the new tributaries of Coatzacoalcos, yet years of constant flooding precluded the growth of subsistence crops.

=======
Keys: 1).2,3 2).5

=======

  • be favorable to 对…有利
  • subsistence crop 口粮植物
  • subsist vi(靠很少的钱或食物)维持生活,生存下去 | sub在下面 sis=sit坐, 坐到下面去了,苟且活着
  • notably adv.“notable“的派生;显著地;尤其
  • divert vt.使转移;娱乐;转移注意力
  • erstwhile adj.从前的;以前的;原来的;往昔的
  • alluvial adj.(河流、洪水)冲积的,淤积的 luv洪水 al-ad-正向前缀 ial形容词后缀
  • plain 平原
  • downfall n.(雨等的)大下特下;(家,国等的)没落;垮台
  • dissent n.意见的分歧,异议;〈英〉反对国教;〈集合词〉不信奉国教者
  • bring on 呈现…; 使出现;使发作;使发展
  • feud n.不和,世仇;封地
  • clan n 氏族、宗族
  • all but 几乎
  • viable adj.切实可行的;能养活的;能自行生产发育的;有望实现的

environmental regulations 环境法规 发布于: Tue Aug 02 2016 19:22:03 GMT+0800

Compared to regulations in other countries, those of the United States tend to be narrower in scope, with an emphasis on manufacturing processes and specific categories of pollution, and little or no attention to the many other factors that affect environmental quality. An example is the focus on controlling pollution rather than influencing decisions about processes, raw materials, or products that determine environmental impacts. Regulation in the United States tends to isolate specific aspects of production processes and attempts to control them stringently, which means that some aspects of business are regulated tightly, although sometimes not cost-effectively, while others are ignored. Other countries and several American states have recently made more progress in preventing pollution at its source and considering such issues as product life cycles, packaging waste, and industrial energy efficiency.

与其他国家的法规相比,美国的法规趋向于在视野上更加狭窄,主要强调生产过程和特定的排放种类,基本没有关注过许多其他影响环境质量的方面。一个例子就是对控制污染的关注而不是关注对于过程的影响性的决定,原材料,或者是决定环境影响的产品。美国的法规趋向于将生产过程的特定方面孤立起来,并试图严格控制他们而忽略其他方面。这种行为意味着这个过程的某些方面被严格管束,尽管有时候没有成本收益。其他国家和一些美国的州近期在从源头以及从产品生命周期、包装浪费和工业能源效能的角度思考来阻止污染方面有所进步。

=======

  • stringent adj.严格的;迫切的;(货币)紧缩的
  • cost-effectively adj.有成本效益的,划算的;合算的(等于cost-efficient)

Environmental regulation in the United States is also more prescriptive than elsewhere, in the sense of requiring specific actions, with little discretion left to the regulated firm. There also is a great reliance on action-forcing laws and technology standards.

在美国的环境法规也比其他地方更有规定性,在要求更精确的行动的指导下,基本没有给被监管的公司留下决定自由。对于迫使行动的法律和技术标准也有一个很大的依赖。

=======

  • prescriptive adj.规定的; 指定的;约定俗成的; 惯例的
  • discretion n.慎重;考虑周到;判断力,辨别力;自行决定的自由

These contrasts are illustrated nicely in a 1974 book that used a hare and tortoise analogy to compare air quality regulation in the United States and Sweden. While the United States (the hare) codified ambitious goals in statutes that drove industry to adopt new technologies under the threat of sanctions, Sweden (the tortoise) used a more collaborative process that stressed results but worked with industry in deciding how to achieve them. In the end air quality results were about the same. Similar results have been found in other comparative analyses of environmental regulation. For example, one study of a multinational firm with operations in the United States and Japan found that pollution levels in both countries were similar, despite generally higher pollution abatement expenditures in the United States. The higher costs observed in the United States thus were due in large part, not to more stringent standards, but to the higher regulatory transaction costs. Because agencies in different countries share information about technologies, best practices, and other issues, the pollution levels found acceptable in different countries tends to be quite similar.

这些比较在一本1974年的书中被很好的描述,这本书使用一个野兔和乌龟的类比来比较在美国和瑞典的空气质量法规。美国(野兔)将宏大的计划编纂进法规中,这些法规通过罚款的威胁来驱动工业来采纳新技术。瑞典(乌龟)使用一个更佳合作的过程,这个过程强调结果但是在决定怎样达成他们的方面和工业部门一起讨论。最终空气质量结果基本相同。相似的结果在其他环境法规的对比性分析中也能得出。例如,一个关于在美国和日本的跨国公司的运作的研究中发现,污染指数在两个国家基本相似,尽管在美国有答题更高的污染削减支出。在美国观察到的更高支出因此就在很大部分地归因于更高的监管性的交易费用,而不是更严格的标准。因为在不同国家的机构分享技术的相同信息,最佳实践和其他问题,所以在不同国家的可接受的发现污染级别趋向于一致。

=======

  • hare n.野兔;怪人,傻瓜
  • tortoise n.乌龟;行动迟缓的人(或物)
  • analogy n.类似,相似;比拟,类比;类推
  • codify vt.把(法律)编成法典;编成法典
  • statute n.法令,法规;规则,条例
  • sanction n.制裁,处罚;批准,认可;约束力;鼓励
  • abatement n.减少
  • expenditure n.花费,支出;费用,经费;(尤指金钱的)支出额;(精力、时间、材料等的)耗费

=======

The author of the passage would disagree with which of the following?
  • Some nations are likely to put more focus on regulating industry than allowing industry a measure of autonomy.
  • Varying levels of regulation often lead to similar levels of pollution.
  • There is a complete lack of transparency in the different standards used by countries.
  • The United States tends to regulate only a few aspects of the overall production process.
  • Analogies can aptly summarize the primary differences between the environmental practices of two countries.

Keys: 3. 文末提到agencies in different countries share information about technologies, best practices, and other issues|不同国家的机构分享技术的相同信息,最佳实践和其他问题,表明国家间技术标准透明分享,这是作者认同的观点,因此第三个选项a complete lack of transparency|缺乏透明性与作者观点相反。

关于睡眠学习实验的文章 发布于: Sun Jul 31 2016 19:50:27 GMT+0800

Sleep-learning experiments are notoriously difficult to conduct. For one thing, one must be sure that the subjects are actually asleep and stay that way during the “lessons.” The most rigorous trials of verbal sleep learning have failed to show any new knowledge taking root. While more and more research has demonstrated the importance of sleep for learning and memory consolidation, none had managed to show actual learning of new information taking place in an adult brain during sleep.

睡眠学习实验十分难以进行。一方面,必须确保被试真正的处于睡眠状态,并且在睡眠学习的“课程”中保持这样的状态。专业术语中最严格的睡眠学习实验并没有取得任何实质性进展。尽管越来越多的研究已经证实睡眠对于学习和记忆巩固的重要性,还没有研究成功地展现在一个正在睡眠中的成年人大脑中发生的对于新信息的真实学习。

  • rigorous 严格的 [vigorous 精力充沛的]
  • take root 生根、扎根

Recently, however, researchers chose to experiment with a type of conditioning that involves exposing subjects to a tone followed by an odor, so that they soon exhibit a similar response to the tone as they would to the odor. The pairing of tones and odors presented several advantages. Neither wakes the sleeper (in fact, certain odors can promote sound sleep), yet the brain processes them and even reacts during slumber. Moreover, the sense of smell holds a unique non-verbal measure that can be observed – namely sniffing. The researchers found that, in the case of smelling, the sleeping brain acts much as it does when awake: We inhale deeply when we smell a pleasant aroma but stop our inhalation short when assaulted by a bad smell. This variation in sniffing could be recorded whether the subjects were asleep or awake. Finally, this type of conditioning, while it may appear to be quite simple, is associated with some higher brain areas – including the hippocampus, which is involved in memory formation.

然而,近年来,研究者们选择使用一种包含将客体暴露在一种跟随着气味的声调中的条件来做实验,因此他们展现一种对于气味和声调的相似反应。这样一组声调和气味的配对展现了一些优势。这样不会惊醒睡眠者(事实上,某些气味还能促进良好睡眠),大脑还会处理这些气味,在微睡状态还会起反应。更进一步,气味的感觉展现了一个独特的非语言的尺度,这种尺度可以被观察到——也就是嗅这个动作。研究者们发现,在闻的状态下,睡眠中的大脑的反应跟清醒中相同:当我们闻到芬芳的气味时深深地吸气,在被臭气攻击时我们短暂憋住呼吸。这种嗅的变化性,无论主题在睡眠还是清醒时,都可以被记录。最终,这种条件作用的形式,尽管似乎十分简单,也是与一些大脑中更高级别的区域相联的——包括在记忆形成中起作用的海马体。

  • *hippocampus 海马体

In the experiments, the subjects slept in a special lab while their sleep state was continuously monitored. As they slept, a tone was played, followed by an odor – either pleasant or unpleasant. Then another tone was played, followed by an odor at the opposite end of the pleasantness scale. Over the course of the night, the associations were partially reinforced, so that the subject was exposed to just the tones as well. The sleeping volunteers reacted to the tones alone as if the associated odor were still present – by either sniffing deeply or taking shallow breaths. The next day, the now awake subjects again heard the tones alone – with no accompanying odor. Although they had no conscious recollection of listening to them during the night, their breathing patterns told a different story. When exposed to tones that had been paired with pleasant odors, they sniffed deeply, while the second tones – those associated with bad smells – provoked short, shallow sniffs.

在实验中,被试在一个特定的实验室中睡眠,他们的睡眠状态被持续监测。在他们睡觉的时候,一种声调被播放,伴随着一种气味——好闻的或者是难闻的。之后另一种声调被播放,跟随者一种在芳香尺度上对立的另一头的气味。在整夜的过程中,这种联系呗部分加强,最后被试被暴露在仅仅只有声调中。这些睡眠志愿者们对于单独声调的反应好像这种气味的联系仍然存在,通过或是深嗅,或是浅呼吸。第二天,这些现在清醒的被试再一次单独听到声调——没有伴随的气味。尽管他们没有夜晚曾经听到过这些声调的有意识记忆,但是他们的呼吸模式则是另一码事。当暴露在之前已经与芳香气味相连的声调中时,他们深呼吸,同时第二种声调—与难闻气味相连的—则激起了短暂和浅的嗅。

  • tell a different story 另一码事
  • provoke 激起

The team then asked whether this type of learning is tied to a particular phase of sleep. In a second experiment, they divided the sleep cycles into rapid eye movement (REM) and non-REM sleep, and then induced the conditioning during only one phase or the other. Surprisingly, they found that the learned response was more pronounced during the REM phase, but the transfer of the association from sleep to waking was evident only when learning took place during the non-REM phase. The researchers suggest that during REM sleep we may be more open to influence from the stimuli in our surroundings, but so-called “dream amnesia” – which makes us forget most of our dreams – may operate on any conditioning occurring in that stage of sleep. In contrast, non-REM sleep is the phase that is important for memory consolidation, so it might also play a role in this form of sleep-learning.

这个工作组之后探寻了是否这种学习模式与一种睡眠的特定周期有关。在第二次试验中,他们把睡眠周期分为REM(快速眼动)睡眠和非REM睡眠,之后只在在其中一个睡眠阶段引起实验。惊奇地是,他们发现学习反应在REM阶段更加显著,但是这种从睡眠到清醒的联系的转变只有当学习发生在非REM睡眠的时候最为明显。这些研究者们表明在REM睡眠阶段我们可能更容易被周围的刺激所影响,但是被称为“睡眠遗忘”——这种使我们忘记大部分做过的梦——可能在那个睡眠阶段的任何条件发生时产生作用。与之对比的是,非REM睡眠是对于记忆巩固十分重要的睡眠阶段,因此它可能在这种睡眠学习的形成起作用。

  • induce vt.引诱;引起;[电]感应;归纳
  • pronounced adj.明显的,显著的;决然的,断然的;强硬的;被说出来的
  • open to 为…打开门;对(某人)开放(某处);使通车
  • amnesia n.<医>遗忘(症),记忆缺失;善忘;易忘症;健忘
  • operate on 产生作用

7月31日英语词汇学习笔记 发布于: Sun Jul 31 2016 15:33:14 GMT+0800

incendiary 容易被激怒的

  • adjective – capable of catching fire spontaneously or causing fires or burning readily

  • adjective – arousing to action or rebellion

vaunt 自夸

五个姑姑在一起吹牛

amalgam 融合混合

dilettante 半吊子,闹着玩的人

cavil 吹毛求疵

blanch 漂白

ominous adj.不祥的,坏兆头的;预兆的,预示的

execrate vt. 诅咒;憎恶;痛骂

ex向外 crate secret 秘密向外说,憎恶

notoriously adv.恶名昭彰地;声名狼藉地;著名地;众所周知地

cis/tom/sect 切的词根

  • dichotomy 对立
  • epitomize 体现,代表 =demonstrate
  • anatomy 解剖
  • dissect 仔细分析
  • segment 瓣
    • ct 和 g 发生字母转化

fract 打碎的词根 - break

  • infraction - break in - 违法违规
  • refractory 不听话的,固执的宁为玉碎的
  • fractious 易怒的,急躁的 很容易碎掉的

  • counterpoint – dichotomy 这两个词都表示对立的

  • counterpart – similarity 这两个词都表示相似的

part 部分的词根

  • partial 偏向的 – parity 同等平等
  • partition 划分
  • jeopardy 危险危害

其他

  • scission 切断、分离 (参照scissor)
  • rescind 废除,取消
  • sunder 分成两半儿
  • asunder 分成两半儿
  • retrench 缩减开支
  • trenchant 一针见血的

in and out of favor 流行或者不流行
outright 完全地

The US Constitution established both gold and silver as the basis of US currency 发布于: Mon Aug 01 2016 16:13:41 GMT+0800

The US Constitution established both gold and silver as the basis of US currency: that is to say, it established a bimetallic standard for currency. This remained in place for about a century, until the Coinage Act of 1873, which embraced a “gold only” standard, a monometallic standard, effectively dropping silver as the basis of currency. Over the next several decades, advocates of bimetallism and advocates of the “gold only” standard fiercely debated.

The “gold only” advocates, such as William McKinley, argued that shifts in the relative value of the two precious metals could lead to wild fluctuations in the values of currency in a bimetallic system. Early in the United States history, Alexander Hamilton had tried to fix the gold-silver exchange rate by fiat, but of course, such restraints only inhibit the natural development of a free market.

Unemployment was high in the depression caused by the Panic of 1893, and many argued that these economic challenges had been triggered by abandoning bimetallism. One of the more prominent advocates of bimetallism was William Jennings Bryant: indeed, bimetallism was the very center of his presidential campaigns in 1896 and 1900, both of which he lost to McKinley. Bryant articulated the popular view that a “gold only” standard limited the money supply, and thus favored those who were already quite wealthy, against the interests of working people of all professions. He famously expressed this argument in his “Cross of Gold” speech at the 1896 Democratic National Convention, in which he argued that continuing the “gold only” standard would “crucify” the honest laboring classes on a “cross of gold.”

Despite the eloquence of Bryant’s arguments, history strongly favored the “gold-only” standard. The argument that increasing the money supply would lead to greater prosperity strikes us now as naïve: of course, we now understand that increasing the monetary supply can lead to runaway inflation, which hurts everyone. Furthermore, gold did not remain as limited as the advocates of bimetallism imagined. In the 1890s, scientists discovered a cyanide process that allowed workers to extract pure gold from much lower grade ore, thus significantly increasing domestic gold production. Additionally, the discovery of two immense gold deposits in South Africa substantially increased world gold supply. Thus, the “gold only” standard allowed for ample currency, and even robust prosperity in the 1920s, so bimetallism died a quiet death.

美国宪法将金和银都建立为美国货币的基础:也就是说,它建立了一种复本位制的货币标准。这个标准持续了大概一个世纪,直到1873年的Coinage Act颁布,这个Act拥抱了一个只有金为标准的单金属本位标准,有效地将银从货币基础中剔除。在接下来的几个世纪里,复本位制的支持者和金本位的拥护者进行了激烈的争论。

金本位的拥护者,像William McKinley,认为在复本位制系统中,两种稀有金属的相对价值的准变可能会导致货币价值巨大的波动。在美国历史早期,Alexander Hamilton已经试图用 来固定金银交换比率,但是当然,这样的限制措施仅仅是阻碍了自由市场的自然发展。

在1893年经济恐慌引起的大萧条时期,失业率极高,许多人认为这些经济挑战就是因为禁止了复本位制而引起的。最有名的复本位制拥护者之一是William Jennings Bryant: 事实上,提倡复本位制是在他1896年和1900年的总统竞选中重要的核心,不过两次竞选都输给了McKinley。Bryant精心组织了著名的论点:一个金本位的标准会限制金钱供应,因此会对那些本来就十分富裕的人有利,而不利于所有职业的工人阶级的利益。他出名地在1896年民主党全国代表大会的“Cross of Gold”的演讲中表达了这个观点,在观点中他宣称继续金本位制将会把诚实守信的劳动阶层钉死在上帝的十字架上。

尽管Bryant的观点十分有说服力,但是历史强烈地证明金本位制度是对的。我们现在认为提高货币供应的观点将会促进经济繁荣的观点十分幼稚。当然,我们现在理解提高货币供应可能会导致失去控制的通货膨胀,这种通货膨胀伤及到每个人。更多的是,金的数量不是持续地像复本位货币制支持者想象的那样有限。在19世纪90年代,科学家发现了一个氰化物方法,能够让工人们从非常低等级的矿石中提炼中纯金,因此极大地提高了国内金的生产。另外,在南亚的两个巨大的金储库发现也极大提高了世界金的供应量。因此,“金本位”拥有了足够的货币,甚至是在20世纪20年代的最强健的繁荣时期,所以复本位制悄悄消失在了人海。

=======

  • *bimetallic adj.二金属的,复本位制的 bi- 二 metal 金属 lic 形容词后缀
  • fiat n.命令,许可
  • profession n.职业,专业;同行;宣称;信念,信仰
  • crucify 把(某人)钉死在十字架上;折磨,虐待;抑制,克制;处以钉在十字架的死刑
  • prosperity n.繁荣;兴旺,昌盛;成功
  • runaway adj.逃走的,逃亡的;私奔的;失去控制的;物价飞涨的
  • cyaniden n.<化>氰化物 vt.用氰化法处理
Luke
◥ 姓名(Name)
     Luke Qian
◥ 电子邮箱(E-mail)
     qiankun1995@gmail.com
◥ 所在地(Location)
     北京
◥ 个人简介(Introduction)
     努力着……
◥ 友情链接(Friends)
     Hux Blog
Themed By Luke. Powered By Hexo.
Color schemes are partly from Dribble.
The author of Pokemon Icon is Michael B. Myers Jr.
Copyright © Luke's house 2016